One of the regular controversies that arise during the election season is the party-list system, and the nominees chosen for each party-list group. The normal questions that arise cast doubt on the validity of the party-list groups, and the credentials of the group’s nominees.
This year, Pampanga Rep. Mikey Arroyo is rumored to be a nominee of Ang Galing Party (AGP), a group allegedly representing transport groups and security guards. His impending nomination has been scored, particularly by Bayan Muna Rep. Teddy Casino, and Akbayan Rep. Risa Hontiveros-Baracquel, who have questioned Arroyo’s qualifications as a party-list representative. The nomination is also seen as a ploy to keep Arroyo in Congress, as his mother the President has filed her candidacy for his seat.
In response to the criticisms, Rep. Arroyo slammed Casino and Hontiveros-Baracquel, calling them arrogant and hypocritical, as well as throwing back the accusations at them, questioning their own qualifications to represent the marginalized sector of their party-list group.
In this one particular case, Arroyo actually makes a valid point. The political Left has long considered the party-list system its own private playground, even if its own representatives don’t really seem to represent the sector they claim as theirs. I really doubt Reps. Casino and Hontiveros-Baracquel come from the ranks of the poor and marginalized, so, truly, they do appear to be hypocritical in questioning Arroyo’s entry into the party-list ranks.
Unfortunately for him, it still doesn’t explain his own situation. Reps. Casino and Hontiveros-Baracquel aren’t the only ones doing the questioning. Already, the Philippine Star has come out with an editorial raising the question about whether Arroyo and Energy Secretary Angelo Reyes, allegedly a nominee for 1-UTAK, a transport group, actually have the right to be nominees in the party-list system. Does that mean that the Star is being arrogant in doing the question?
What Arroyo has done is to simply play the card of turning tables, and, in this case, is roughly the equivalent of saying that cheating is all right because everyone else is doing it. Just because other party-list representatives don’t appear to represent the sector they currently represent doesn’t mean that Arroyo and Reyes can do the same. In a way, then, Arroyo is just as arrogant and hypocritical as the people he chastises.
At the same time, it’s clear that there are serious flaws in the party-list system, which need to be ironed out. Of course, since the body in charge of fixing the system is Congress, I doubt that our “honorable” representatives will be willing to fix a system that they’ve been exploiting.
Sunday, February 28, 2010
Monday, February 22, 2010
Election 2010: Villar's Desire to Win
When I heard Senator Manuel Villar’s radio advertisement, it confirmed my suspicion that the Nacionalista Party’s presidential candidate will do everything he can in order to win.
In the ad, he opens up with a question to the audience about whether they had ever lost a sibling. He then says that he did, due to the lack of medicine and health care. In the end, he promises a better future for the Philippine nation.
The ad is an obvious emotional appeal, wherein Villar tries to gain the sympathy of the voters through the death of his sibling. In a way, he’s trying to minimize one of the advantages of his chief rival, Liberal Party candidate Senator Noynoy Aquino, who has promised to bring to fruition the hopes and dreams of his late parents for the Philippines. That Villar is attempting to exploit the death of his sibling only goes to show the lengths which he will take in order to win the presidency.
As it is, given the fact that he has probably spent more than a billion pesos promoting himself, and that his ticket seems to draw from every color of the political spectrum, more and more, I find myself asking two things: one, if elected, is Villar going to recoup his election expenses, and two, should he win, how much payback is he going to be forced to hand out? Such questions should stay in our minds as we consider our candidates for the presidency.
In the ad, he opens up with a question to the audience about whether they had ever lost a sibling. He then says that he did, due to the lack of medicine and health care. In the end, he promises a better future for the Philippine nation.
The ad is an obvious emotional appeal, wherein Villar tries to gain the sympathy of the voters through the death of his sibling. In a way, he’s trying to minimize one of the advantages of his chief rival, Liberal Party candidate Senator Noynoy Aquino, who has promised to bring to fruition the hopes and dreams of his late parents for the Philippines. That Villar is attempting to exploit the death of his sibling only goes to show the lengths which he will take in order to win the presidency.
As it is, given the fact that he has probably spent more than a billion pesos promoting himself, and that his ticket seems to draw from every color of the political spectrum, more and more, I find myself asking two things: one, if elected, is Villar going to recoup his election expenses, and two, should he win, how much payback is he going to be forced to hand out? Such questions should stay in our minds as we consider our candidates for the presidency.
Sunday, February 21, 2010
Appointing the Chief Justice: Demolition Job
It appears that the President and her demolition squad will stop at nothing in order to ensure that she gets to appoint the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, even if it means destroying the credibility and authority of that institution in the process.
The pro-administration media individuals, notably Carmen Pedrosa of the Philippine Star and Belinda Olivares-Cunanan of the Philippine Daily Inquirer, have continued to hammer away at defending the right of President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo to appoint the Chief Justice when current Chief Justice Reynato Puno steps down on May 17, 2010. This, of course, goes in the face of legal experts, notably Fr. Joaquin Bernas, SJ, and the Integrated Bar of the Philippines (IBP), who argue that the President cannot exercise her appointment powers during the election ban.
Now, it seems that the Supreme Court justices are targeted for demolition. Just recently, a lawyer opposing the bid of Justice Antonio Carpio filed a letter accusing the justice of electioneering during the 1989 IBP elections. Justice Carpio, who was just a lawyer back then, apparently paid for the accommodation of IBP delegates, allegedly to solicit votes.
What’s funny about this is that this is only being brought up now after 21 years, to coincide with Carpio’s nomination for the top post. If what Carpio did was wrong, then why wasn’t it addressed after all this time?
It is obvious that the complaint is a demolition job to destroy Carpio’s chances of being appointed. At any rate, since he and the President don’t see eye to eye, it’s unlikely that Arroyo will appoint him should she be given the opportunity to do so. The case will appear to strengthen any excuse for not appointing Carpio, despite the fact that he is the most senior Justice in the Supreme Court.
Of course, not even the President’s perceived candidate has been immune from mudslinging, as Justice Renato Corona is currently fending off allegations of bribery. Corona has hinted that someone leaked the information, and, while not mentioning names, suggested that Carpio was responsible. Carpio, in reaction, vehemently denied any impropriety, and ordered an investigation into the matter.
Whether the allegations are true or not, they have cast a pall over the candidates, and have brought into question their fitness to serve as the Chief Justice. While Malacanang has issued the obligatory denials of involvement in the complaints, I cannot help but think that the President’s hand is stuck in the mess somewhere.
At this point, it is not clear whether Arroyo will push through with the appointment, but it would be better if she heed the clamor and let the next President appoint the Chief Justice. As it is, the Judicial and Bar Council (JBC) is currently deliberating whether or not to transmit the list of candidates to Arroyo. As a result, Executive Secretary Eduardo Ermita has implied that the President will appoint a successor to Chief Justice Puno, with or without the JBC list. If such a scenario comes to pass, Arroyo may be committing a violation of the Constitution, and anyone appointed by Arroyo will likely have his or her authority continually questioned, if not impeached. For such a scenario to be prevented, Arroyo should probably allow the Court to select an acting Chief Justice until the next President can make the official appointment.
The pro-administration media individuals, notably Carmen Pedrosa of the Philippine Star and Belinda Olivares-Cunanan of the Philippine Daily Inquirer, have continued to hammer away at defending the right of President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo to appoint the Chief Justice when current Chief Justice Reynato Puno steps down on May 17, 2010. This, of course, goes in the face of legal experts, notably Fr. Joaquin Bernas, SJ, and the Integrated Bar of the Philippines (IBP), who argue that the President cannot exercise her appointment powers during the election ban.
Now, it seems that the Supreme Court justices are targeted for demolition. Just recently, a lawyer opposing the bid of Justice Antonio Carpio filed a letter accusing the justice of electioneering during the 1989 IBP elections. Justice Carpio, who was just a lawyer back then, apparently paid for the accommodation of IBP delegates, allegedly to solicit votes.
What’s funny about this is that this is only being brought up now after 21 years, to coincide with Carpio’s nomination for the top post. If what Carpio did was wrong, then why wasn’t it addressed after all this time?
It is obvious that the complaint is a demolition job to destroy Carpio’s chances of being appointed. At any rate, since he and the President don’t see eye to eye, it’s unlikely that Arroyo will appoint him should she be given the opportunity to do so. The case will appear to strengthen any excuse for not appointing Carpio, despite the fact that he is the most senior Justice in the Supreme Court.
Of course, not even the President’s perceived candidate has been immune from mudslinging, as Justice Renato Corona is currently fending off allegations of bribery. Corona has hinted that someone leaked the information, and, while not mentioning names, suggested that Carpio was responsible. Carpio, in reaction, vehemently denied any impropriety, and ordered an investigation into the matter.
Whether the allegations are true or not, they have cast a pall over the candidates, and have brought into question their fitness to serve as the Chief Justice. While Malacanang has issued the obligatory denials of involvement in the complaints, I cannot help but think that the President’s hand is stuck in the mess somewhere.
At this point, it is not clear whether Arroyo will push through with the appointment, but it would be better if she heed the clamor and let the next President appoint the Chief Justice. As it is, the Judicial and Bar Council (JBC) is currently deliberating whether or not to transmit the list of candidates to Arroyo. As a result, Executive Secretary Eduardo Ermita has implied that the President will appoint a successor to Chief Justice Puno, with or without the JBC list. If such a scenario comes to pass, Arroyo may be committing a violation of the Constitution, and anyone appointed by Arroyo will likely have his or her authority continually questioned, if not impeached. For such a scenario to be prevented, Arroyo should probably allow the Court to select an acting Chief Justice until the next President can make the official appointment.
Wednesday, February 17, 2010
Movie Review - "Percy Jackson and the Lightning Thief"
Having read the entire series of “Percy Jackson and the Olympians”, I was very excited about the movie version that came out last week. I was hoping and praying that it would be a good movie, as the trailer was promising.
I should’ve remembered who was directing, and then, lowered my standards.
Chris Columbus was in charge of the first two “Harry Potter” movies, with author J.K. Rowlings riding shotgun to make sure her books were faithfully followed. What resulted then were a pair of movies that, while okay, lacked the magic of the books. The reason for this was that the movies tried to cram as much detail from the book as possible.
Apparently, all that control must have chafed Columbus. In the movie version, entitled “Percy Jackson and the Lightning Thief”, it seemed as if Columbus wanted to diverge from the book as much as he could. As a result, the movie was a big disappointment for fans of the book. Too many changes had been made, and the pace of the movie was too fast to fully appreciate the world of Percy Jackson; the movie moved from scene to scene without giving the viewers a chance to take everything in.
It had been a while since my reading of the books, so I was hoping that I wouldn’t be affected by the changes, and could view the movie as it was, a movie. Unfortunately, the movie itself lacked the energy of the books, and even the penultimate chapter, where Percy arrives at Olympus, is bereft of any climactic feeling.
It’s sad, considering that the cast included some big names, particularly Pierce Brosnan as the centaur Chiron, Uma Thurman as Medusa, and Sean Bean as Zeus.
After watching the movie, I went back and read the first book, and it seemed like there were so many omissions that I can only guess at what sort of sequel Columbus and whoever is writing the movie script will come up with. I’m not even sure if Rick Riordan, the author of the series, was involved in the making of the film, considering how altered it was.
If anything, instead of igniting the world as the “Harry Potter” and “The Lord of the Rings” did, unless some major revisions are done, “The Lightning Thief” is likely to go the way of “The Golden Compass”, another promising young adult fantasy series that didn’t quite survive the translation to the silver screen. That would be a pity, since the “Percy Jackson” books would make a great series of films in the right hands.
I should’ve remembered who was directing, and then, lowered my standards.
Chris Columbus was in charge of the first two “Harry Potter” movies, with author J.K. Rowlings riding shotgun to make sure her books were faithfully followed. What resulted then were a pair of movies that, while okay, lacked the magic of the books. The reason for this was that the movies tried to cram as much detail from the book as possible.
Apparently, all that control must have chafed Columbus. In the movie version, entitled “Percy Jackson and the Lightning Thief”, it seemed as if Columbus wanted to diverge from the book as much as he could. As a result, the movie was a big disappointment for fans of the book. Too many changes had been made, and the pace of the movie was too fast to fully appreciate the world of Percy Jackson; the movie moved from scene to scene without giving the viewers a chance to take everything in.
It had been a while since my reading of the books, so I was hoping that I wouldn’t be affected by the changes, and could view the movie as it was, a movie. Unfortunately, the movie itself lacked the energy of the books, and even the penultimate chapter, where Percy arrives at Olympus, is bereft of any climactic feeling.
It’s sad, considering that the cast included some big names, particularly Pierce Brosnan as the centaur Chiron, Uma Thurman as Medusa, and Sean Bean as Zeus.
After watching the movie, I went back and read the first book, and it seemed like there were so many omissions that I can only guess at what sort of sequel Columbus and whoever is writing the movie script will come up with. I’m not even sure if Rick Riordan, the author of the series, was involved in the making of the film, considering how altered it was.
If anything, instead of igniting the world as the “Harry Potter” and “The Lord of the Rings” did, unless some major revisions are done, “The Lightning Thief” is likely to go the way of “The Golden Compass”, another promising young adult fantasy series that didn’t quite survive the translation to the silver screen. That would be a pity, since the “Percy Jackson” books would make a great series of films in the right hands.
Monday, February 15, 2010
The PDSP Communication on the Morong 43
Since I’m apparently part of the mailing list of the Partido Democratiko Sosyalista ng Pilipinas (PDSP), I receive interesting emails regarding the national situation, as well as the party’s take on current events.
The most recent email I received was about the 43 alleged New People’s Army (NPA) members who were arrested last week. I’ve decided to post it, although it should be noted that, since the PDSP has a decidedly anti-leftist/communist view, it’s understandable that it would defend the military in its actions. For me, though, the fact that the military saw fit to deny legal representation to the 43 members, who have yet to be proven to be NPA cadres, is rather disturbing, and could be a prelude of things to come.
The other thing that I'm bothered about is the fact that the military saw fit to delay the observance of the writ of habeas corpus. The PDSP email follows the military line that security details had to be prepared, considering the number and the sensitivity of the supposed ranking of the detainees. Still, considering that the military should observe the legal remedies available to the detainees, shouldn't they have considered that the detainees would file for a writ, and have the necessary security measures all planned out in advance? Contrary to what the PDSP communication says, I think that the delay in complying with the writ of habeas corpus is a show of defiance; the military could be testing the limits of how far they can push legal remedies.
Anyway, I'll probably write more about the issue as it continues to develop. Here's the email I received:
Some interesting details the public ought to know in relation to the Morong 43
(1) The raid conducted by a combined team of PNP and AFP elements on a a house along De la Paz Street, Barangay Maybangkal, Morong, Rizal, took place on February 6, 2010, Saturday, at about 6:00 in the morning. It netted 43 suspected NPAs, who were in possession of firearms, material for making improvised explosive devices, and other war materiel.
(2) On the basis of information from former CPP or NPA members, the PNP and the AFP are convinced that among the captured personalities there are NPA cadres, at national, regional, and provincial levels, some quite high-ranking.
(3) Several of the Morong 43 detainees have admitted that they and the entire group are connected with the NPA. Some of these detainees who admitted to being NPAs and who said that the entire group is linked with the NPA were in the process of secretly negotiating for their surrender with AFP operatives. One of them was influenced by a relative who was a former NPA commander and who recently surrendered.
(4) Because of the number of captured personalities and their reported stature in the Communist insurgency, the PNP and the AFP agreed that the place to detain these suspects where they would be secure from the viewpoint of the state and their own safety, was Camp Capinpin, in Tanay, Rizal.
(5) At about 2pm of February 6, Saturday, media practitioners came to Camp Capinpin to inquire about and later to report on the Morong 43 detainees and the circumstances of their capture and detention. The AFP discovered that the ABS-CBN crew had allowed a lady associated with Karapatan—highly suspected as a Communist front organization—to pretend to be a media practitioner and to enter the military camp under false pretenses of being from the media. That caused the AFP thenceforth to be much stricter in controlling entry into the camp, to secure the detainees from harm by agents provocateur who would then cause blame to be heaped on the AFP, and to secure the camp from espionage by enemies of the state.
(6) On February 7, Sunday, some persons claiming to be from the Commission on Human Rights - National Capital Regional (CHR-NCR) came to Camp Capinpin and sought admission. Wary of the previous day’s experience of being victims of perfidy and deceit, AFP officers asked the alleged CHR – NCR group to wait a bit while their identities were being checked with the CHR Main Office. The CHR-NCR group did not wait, however.
(7) In the morning of February 8, Monday, CHR Chairperson Leila de Lima sought admission to the camp, bringing with her in her vehicle some Karapatan members and allies. She began to interrogate the AFP officers in the presence of these Karapatan and allied personalities. When the AFP officers remonstrated that the Karapatan and allied personalities not be admitted to the venue of the interrogation, considering their hostility to the AFP, CHR Chair Leila de Lima peremptorily refused their request, saying “They are with me now. Deal with that later.” Naturally, the AFP officers were deeply offended by the attitude of CHR Chair de Lima, and considered most unfair her retort to their remonstrance.
(8) In the first days after the raid, many persons—belonging to or allied with Karapatan--claiming to be lawyers for the detainees, sought admission to Camp Capinpin to talk with the detainees. The AFP camp authorities turned away some of them because they could not produce proper identification, and because none of the detainees would admit to having asked these lawyers’ services.
(9) The task of the AFP in connecting some of the detainees with their families and lawyers was made more difficult because some of the detainees gave false names and addresses. When the names given by the family members would be called, none of the detainees would answer. It took some time to correct this, through such as means as former NPAs positively identifying some of the detainees, with their real names and places of residence.
(10) There are good reasons to believe that the owner of the house where the suspected NPAs were captured—Dr. Melecia Antonio – Velmonte—and her family are well-meaning people not connected with the NPA. Dr. Velmonte agreed to give a lecture to the trainees because she was asked to, considering that she is an internationally well-known infectious disease and infection control specialist with practice at the Philippine General Hospital, Manila Doctors’ Hospital, and Capitol Medical Center. Dr. Velmonte and her family cannot vouch for those arrested because they do not know them personally. The group of suspected NPAs rented their place hastily and did not submit the list of names of the participants despite being asked repeatedly for the list by the owners of the house.
(11) AFP and PNP analysts are convinced that the following factors have to do with the training the Morong 43 were carrying out:
(a) Each NPA unit has a medical officer, which aside from taking care of usual illnesses and battle injuries, also raises the morale of the unit.
(b) With the use of improvised explosive devices (IED), such as land mines, the NPA has succeeded in inflicting casualties on the AFP and the PNP, numbering several dozens a year.
(c) This being an election year, the NPA medics can double as medical mission teams in support of the campaign of Communist elements to win seats in the Senate, in the House of Representatives (through front party- list groups), and as part of the ideologically mixed election tickets of the most prominent political parties.
(12) One might wonder why a training course of the NPA would be held so near Metro Manila. Informed observers say that such training used to be conducted in the hinterlands of Mindoro or in the boundary zone between Quezon and Laguna, in the vicinity of Mauban—“red areas” in which the CPP-NPA-NDF had dominant or at least solid presence. Because of augmented AFP and PNP activity to clear these areas of NPA, and because of increasing citizen cooperation with the AFP and PNP in providing information on suspicious persons and activities, the CPP decided to allow the NPA to try something that would be unexpected by the AFP, PNP, and the public—namely to hold such training in a “white” area—a government-controlled area.
(13) The AFP is not at all defiant toward the Supreme Court—contrary to what Inquirer alleged in its headline for February 13, 2010--when it could not produce the detainees physically before the Court of Appeals on February 12, Friday. The AFP needed time to prepare the logistic and security arrangement for such a large group of detainees, some probably of high stature in the Communist movement. The AFP is quite willing to physically produce the detainees as soon as it is able to do so safely for the detainees themselves and for national security—say on February 15, Monday.
The most recent email I received was about the 43 alleged New People’s Army (NPA) members who were arrested last week. I’ve decided to post it, although it should be noted that, since the PDSP has a decidedly anti-leftist/communist view, it’s understandable that it would defend the military in its actions. For me, though, the fact that the military saw fit to deny legal representation to the 43 members, who have yet to be proven to be NPA cadres, is rather disturbing, and could be a prelude of things to come.
The other thing that I'm bothered about is the fact that the military saw fit to delay the observance of the writ of habeas corpus. The PDSP email follows the military line that security details had to be prepared, considering the number and the sensitivity of the supposed ranking of the detainees. Still, considering that the military should observe the legal remedies available to the detainees, shouldn't they have considered that the detainees would file for a writ, and have the necessary security measures all planned out in advance? Contrary to what the PDSP communication says, I think that the delay in complying with the writ of habeas corpus is a show of defiance; the military could be testing the limits of how far they can push legal remedies.
Anyway, I'll probably write more about the issue as it continues to develop. Here's the email I received:
Some interesting details the public ought to know in relation to the Morong 43
(1) The raid conducted by a combined team of PNP and AFP elements on a a house along De la Paz Street, Barangay Maybangkal, Morong, Rizal, took place on February 6, 2010, Saturday, at about 6:00 in the morning. It netted 43 suspected NPAs, who were in possession of firearms, material for making improvised explosive devices, and other war materiel.
(2) On the basis of information from former CPP or NPA members, the PNP and the AFP are convinced that among the captured personalities there are NPA cadres, at national, regional, and provincial levels, some quite high-ranking.
(3) Several of the Morong 43 detainees have admitted that they and the entire group are connected with the NPA. Some of these detainees who admitted to being NPAs and who said that the entire group is linked with the NPA were in the process of secretly negotiating for their surrender with AFP operatives. One of them was influenced by a relative who was a former NPA commander and who recently surrendered.
(4) Because of the number of captured personalities and their reported stature in the Communist insurgency, the PNP and the AFP agreed that the place to detain these suspects where they would be secure from the viewpoint of the state and their own safety, was Camp Capinpin, in Tanay, Rizal.
(5) At about 2pm of February 6, Saturday, media practitioners came to Camp Capinpin to inquire about and later to report on the Morong 43 detainees and the circumstances of their capture and detention. The AFP discovered that the ABS-CBN crew had allowed a lady associated with Karapatan—highly suspected as a Communist front organization—to pretend to be a media practitioner and to enter the military camp under false pretenses of being from the media. That caused the AFP thenceforth to be much stricter in controlling entry into the camp, to secure the detainees from harm by agents provocateur who would then cause blame to be heaped on the AFP, and to secure the camp from espionage by enemies of the state.
(6) On February 7, Sunday, some persons claiming to be from the Commission on Human Rights - National Capital Regional (CHR-NCR) came to Camp Capinpin and sought admission. Wary of the previous day’s experience of being victims of perfidy and deceit, AFP officers asked the alleged CHR – NCR group to wait a bit while their identities were being checked with the CHR Main Office. The CHR-NCR group did not wait, however.
(7) In the morning of February 8, Monday, CHR Chairperson Leila de Lima sought admission to the camp, bringing with her in her vehicle some Karapatan members and allies. She began to interrogate the AFP officers in the presence of these Karapatan and allied personalities. When the AFP officers remonstrated that the Karapatan and allied personalities not be admitted to the venue of the interrogation, considering their hostility to the AFP, CHR Chair Leila de Lima peremptorily refused their request, saying “They are with me now. Deal with that later.” Naturally, the AFP officers were deeply offended by the attitude of CHR Chair de Lima, and considered most unfair her retort to their remonstrance.
(8) In the first days after the raid, many persons—belonging to or allied with Karapatan--claiming to be lawyers for the detainees, sought admission to Camp Capinpin to talk with the detainees. The AFP camp authorities turned away some of them because they could not produce proper identification, and because none of the detainees would admit to having asked these lawyers’ services.
(9) The task of the AFP in connecting some of the detainees with their families and lawyers was made more difficult because some of the detainees gave false names and addresses. When the names given by the family members would be called, none of the detainees would answer. It took some time to correct this, through such as means as former NPAs positively identifying some of the detainees, with their real names and places of residence.
(10) There are good reasons to believe that the owner of the house where the suspected NPAs were captured—Dr. Melecia Antonio – Velmonte—and her family are well-meaning people not connected with the NPA. Dr. Velmonte agreed to give a lecture to the trainees because she was asked to, considering that she is an internationally well-known infectious disease and infection control specialist with practice at the Philippine General Hospital, Manila Doctors’ Hospital, and Capitol Medical Center. Dr. Velmonte and her family cannot vouch for those arrested because they do not know them personally. The group of suspected NPAs rented their place hastily and did not submit the list of names of the participants despite being asked repeatedly for the list by the owners of the house.
(11) AFP and PNP analysts are convinced that the following factors have to do with the training the Morong 43 were carrying out:
(a) Each NPA unit has a medical officer, which aside from taking care of usual illnesses and battle injuries, also raises the morale of the unit.
(b) With the use of improvised explosive devices (IED), such as land mines, the NPA has succeeded in inflicting casualties on the AFP and the PNP, numbering several dozens a year.
(c) This being an election year, the NPA medics can double as medical mission teams in support of the campaign of Communist elements to win seats in the Senate, in the House of Representatives (through front party- list groups), and as part of the ideologically mixed election tickets of the most prominent political parties.
(12) One might wonder why a training course of the NPA would be held so near Metro Manila. Informed observers say that such training used to be conducted in the hinterlands of Mindoro or in the boundary zone between Quezon and Laguna, in the vicinity of Mauban—“red areas” in which the CPP-NPA-NDF had dominant or at least solid presence. Because of augmented AFP and PNP activity to clear these areas of NPA, and because of increasing citizen cooperation with the AFP and PNP in providing information on suspicious persons and activities, the CPP decided to allow the NPA to try something that would be unexpected by the AFP, PNP, and the public—namely to hold such training in a “white” area—a government-controlled area.
(13) The AFP is not at all defiant toward the Supreme Court—contrary to what Inquirer alleged in its headline for February 13, 2010--when it could not produce the detainees physically before the Court of Appeals on February 12, Friday. The AFP needed time to prepare the logistic and security arrangement for such a large group of detainees, some probably of high stature in the Communist movement. The AFP is quite willing to physically produce the detainees as soon as it is able to do so safely for the detainees themselves and for national security—say on February 15, Monday.
Wednesday, February 10, 2010
Turning the Tables
Having just read Nacionalista Party (NP) senatorial candidate Gilbert Remulla accuse Liberal Party (LP) presidential candidate Sen. Noynoy Aquino of being the administration's "secret candidate", I think that the NP's tactics in dealing with accusations against their presidential candidate Sen. Manny Villar is to simply try to turn the tables on their opponents.
It's actually not anything new. When Villar was accused of having a conflict of interest in the controversial C-5 extension project, Villar's followers, notably Cavite Representative Crispin Remulla, accused Sen. Aquino of having vested interests in the Subic-Clark-Tarlac Expressway (SCTEx). It's just interesting that both Remullas (they're brothers) are doing the accusations. It's also interesting that the accusation is coming only from the NP, of which Villar is the standard bearer.
Trying to turn the tables by accusing the other side of the same thing is a weak argument, at best, and, at the same time, the NP voices seem peevish and petty when they do such. The best thing they can probably try to do is to ignore the jibes and try to wage a clean campaign by expounding more on their candidate's virtues.
In addition, by responding to the accusations in kind, the NP is simply playing a defensive game which will not benefit them in the long run. As it is, a number of the accusations against Villar, particularly the C-5 project, appear to be backed up with solid evidence, as shown by Inquirer columnist Solita Monsod (see here and here). While Villar has spoken up during a privilege speech denying any wrongdoing or conflict of interest, he has yet to face any question regarding the C-5 project.
As for the "secret candidate" issue, one of the key details that probably fueled this suspicion about Villar was Deputy Presidential Spokesperson Gary Olivar thanking the Villar camp for not joining in the criticisms against the President. Doing so gave the impression that there may have been some secret deal between the President and Villar. It also doesn't help that Villar has been sorely lacking in terms of political loyalties, since he has appeared to side with whomever would benefit him the most. Some will still remember his transmission of the impeachment complaint against then-President Joseph Estrada that set off EDSA Dos, and, afterwards, Villar's visit to Estrada to gain his support for his senatorial bid.
It does seem that the election campaign is laced with fireworks from the get-go. I can only hope that we will get a clearer picture of the candidates and the issues that surround them in the weeks to come, since it will be the only way to make an informed choice on May 10, 2010.
It's actually not anything new. When Villar was accused of having a conflict of interest in the controversial C-5 extension project, Villar's followers, notably Cavite Representative Crispin Remulla, accused Sen. Aquino of having vested interests in the Subic-Clark-Tarlac Expressway (SCTEx). It's just interesting that both Remullas (they're brothers) are doing the accusations. It's also interesting that the accusation is coming only from the NP, of which Villar is the standard bearer.
Trying to turn the tables by accusing the other side of the same thing is a weak argument, at best, and, at the same time, the NP voices seem peevish and petty when they do such. The best thing they can probably try to do is to ignore the jibes and try to wage a clean campaign by expounding more on their candidate's virtues.
In addition, by responding to the accusations in kind, the NP is simply playing a defensive game which will not benefit them in the long run. As it is, a number of the accusations against Villar, particularly the C-5 project, appear to be backed up with solid evidence, as shown by Inquirer columnist Solita Monsod (see here and here). While Villar has spoken up during a privilege speech denying any wrongdoing or conflict of interest, he has yet to face any question regarding the C-5 project.
As for the "secret candidate" issue, one of the key details that probably fueled this suspicion about Villar was Deputy Presidential Spokesperson Gary Olivar thanking the Villar camp for not joining in the criticisms against the President. Doing so gave the impression that there may have been some secret deal between the President and Villar. It also doesn't help that Villar has been sorely lacking in terms of political loyalties, since he has appeared to side with whomever would benefit him the most. Some will still remember his transmission of the impeachment complaint against then-President Joseph Estrada that set off EDSA Dos, and, afterwards, Villar's visit to Estrada to gain his support for his senatorial bid.
It does seem that the election campaign is laced with fireworks from the get-go. I can only hope that we will get a clearer picture of the candidates and the issues that surround them in the weeks to come, since it will be the only way to make an informed choice on May 10, 2010.
Campaign Day 2: Some Quick Observations
Driving home this afternoon, I noticed several things that the Commission on Elections (Comelec) should perhaps take a look at.
1. A block of pasted posters of the Lakas-Kampi-CMD senatoriables lining the U.P. wall across the MWSS compound.
2. A whole mass of Richard Gordon-Bayani Fernando posters posed any which way along Katipunan Ave. and Commonwealth Ave., in apparent defiance of a Quezon City ordinance banning political propaganda on major Q.C. roads.
3. Colored posters of Nacionalista Party (NP) vice-presidential candidate Sen. Loren Legarda tied to the fences lining the middle island of Katipunan Ave. Upon closer inspection, the posters simply said that they were paid for by "friends of Loren Legarda". I thought the Comelec is requiring candidates' campaign material to list the source of the materials? Apparently the NP didn't get that memo.
4. The "Thank You" banners along Commonwealth Ave.'s pedestrian flyovers remain, and it appears that a bit of buck-passing is going on. Quezon City Mayor Sonny Belmonte has pointed a finger at the Metro Manila Development Authority (MMDA), but MMDA officials are claiming that, since the President isn't running for any office in Quezon City, the banners cannot be labeled as political propaganda. On the bright side, the followers of Lakas senatorial candidate Silvestre Bello III have apparently taken down his smaller tarpaulins from the flyovers.
Obviously, Comelec officials are going to have their hands full with candidates and their followers exploiting any and all loopholes in the election law. I can only wish that the people in the Comelec show a little bit of backbone, and come down hard on those who would break the election law. Only then would the Comelec and our country's campaign laws be taken seriously.
1. A block of pasted posters of the Lakas-Kampi-CMD senatoriables lining the U.P. wall across the MWSS compound.
2. A whole mass of Richard Gordon-Bayani Fernando posters posed any which way along Katipunan Ave. and Commonwealth Ave., in apparent defiance of a Quezon City ordinance banning political propaganda on major Q.C. roads.
3. Colored posters of Nacionalista Party (NP) vice-presidential candidate Sen. Loren Legarda tied to the fences lining the middle island of Katipunan Ave. Upon closer inspection, the posters simply said that they were paid for by "friends of Loren Legarda". I thought the Comelec is requiring candidates' campaign material to list the source of the materials? Apparently the NP didn't get that memo.
4. The "Thank You" banners along Commonwealth Ave.'s pedestrian flyovers remain, and it appears that a bit of buck-passing is going on. Quezon City Mayor Sonny Belmonte has pointed a finger at the Metro Manila Development Authority (MMDA), but MMDA officials are claiming that, since the President isn't running for any office in Quezon City, the banners cannot be labeled as political propaganda. On the bright side, the followers of Lakas senatorial candidate Silvestre Bello III have apparently taken down his smaller tarpaulins from the flyovers.
Obviously, Comelec officials are going to have their hands full with candidates and their followers exploiting any and all loopholes in the election law. I can only wish that the people in the Comelec show a little bit of backbone, and come down hard on those who would break the election law. Only then would the Comelec and our country's campaign laws be taken seriously.
Wednesday, February 03, 2010
The End of the 14th Congress: A Whimper
Watching the final session of the Senate today left a sour taste in the mouth.
The minority faction of embattled Senator Manny Villar apparently decided not to attend the final session, and, with Senator Panfilo Lacson escaping to Hong Kong to avoid what he called an “evil conspiracy” against him, the Senate was left without a quorum in order to do business. And so, the 14th Congress in the Senate ended with a whimper, not a bang.
The crux of the matter is not what Senator Alan Peter Cayetano claimed, that the minority didn’t want certain bills to be railroaded through. The center of attraction remained the committee report about the C-5 controversy, wherein Sen. Villar is supposed to be guilty of conflict of interest. It’s clear that, in order to stymie the majority’s vote on the issue, the minority Senators decided to boycott the final session, to prevent a quorum, and to prevent Villar from being censured for the conflict of interest.
However, at the same time, by short-circuiting the session, the minority bloc also left pending several important bills that needed to be read and approved. All in order to prevent the censure of a senator whose presidential bid may or may not be affected by such a censure.
All the while, the camp of Villar kept on harping that the committee of the whole that was formed by the Senate had twisted and skewed the rules such that Villar would have been severely hamstrung in defending himself. I guess we’ll never know if such would have been the case, since Villar never showed up to face his peers. Oh, he did appear yesterday to deliver a privilege speech absolving himself of all guilt, but he left immediately after his speech and didn’t face any interpellation.
In an interview on ANC after the Senate session, Nacionalista Party spokesperson Gilbert Remulla claimed that it was unfair to compare Villar’s avoidance of facing the Senate committee with President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. I’m not sure what the difference is, considering both have deemed it unnecessary to answer charges against them. I can’t imagine what sort of avoidance tactics Villar would use should he be elected as President, but I’m pretty certain that, should his presidency run into any irregularities, he will probably resort to the same tactics he used in the Senate. If that’s the case, what sort of leadership will he bring us?
To be fair, it’s not as if Villar’s accusers were fair in pursuing the charges against him. Instead of inhibiting herself, Senator Jamby Madrigal joined in voting whether to investigate the charges against Villar, despite the fact that Madrigal was the accuser to begin with. It’s also ironic that Senator Lacson accused Villar of impropriety, while he himself is facing charges concerning the Dacer-Corbito double murder case. It’s even more ironic that Lacson has borrowed a page from Villar’s playbook and took it one step further: in order to avoid charges being filed against him, Lacson didn’t only deny the charges; he left the country, claiming that he was being harassed by the Department of Justice! However, isn’t flight a sign of guilt? If Lacson had any guts, and if he was innocent of the crime, he should’ve faced the charges.
But, one should recall that, during the Estrada impeachment case, the minority of the Senate-judges didn’t boycott or delay the trial even if it was clear that the majority was bent on clearing Estrada. Instead, we are treated to the spectacle of Senators not doing their job because they simply don’t want to lose. It makes me wonder whether we should still have a Senate at all.
It’s clear that Villar didn’t want anything derailing his campaign, but, with the issue left hanging after the final Senate session, it’s likely that he will have to face it during the campaign one way or the other. By not facing the Senate, Villar has simply prolonged his problem. However, I’m sure his campaign strategists are banking on the Filipino’s extremely short historical memory to shelve the C-5 controversy into the dustbin, as other issues are likely to arise during the campaign, which starts next week on February 9. By the time the campaign hits its stride, it’s likely that the issue will be a non-issue, although it’s important for us who are yearning for strong, moral leadership, to remember how Villar treated the issue, since that will likely be the sort of leadership that he will bring with him should he win the presidency.
The minority faction of embattled Senator Manny Villar apparently decided not to attend the final session, and, with Senator Panfilo Lacson escaping to Hong Kong to avoid what he called an “evil conspiracy” against him, the Senate was left without a quorum in order to do business. And so, the 14th Congress in the Senate ended with a whimper, not a bang.
The crux of the matter is not what Senator Alan Peter Cayetano claimed, that the minority didn’t want certain bills to be railroaded through. The center of attraction remained the committee report about the C-5 controversy, wherein Sen. Villar is supposed to be guilty of conflict of interest. It’s clear that, in order to stymie the majority’s vote on the issue, the minority Senators decided to boycott the final session, to prevent a quorum, and to prevent Villar from being censured for the conflict of interest.
However, at the same time, by short-circuiting the session, the minority bloc also left pending several important bills that needed to be read and approved. All in order to prevent the censure of a senator whose presidential bid may or may not be affected by such a censure.
All the while, the camp of Villar kept on harping that the committee of the whole that was formed by the Senate had twisted and skewed the rules such that Villar would have been severely hamstrung in defending himself. I guess we’ll never know if such would have been the case, since Villar never showed up to face his peers. Oh, he did appear yesterday to deliver a privilege speech absolving himself of all guilt, but he left immediately after his speech and didn’t face any interpellation.
In an interview on ANC after the Senate session, Nacionalista Party spokesperson Gilbert Remulla claimed that it was unfair to compare Villar’s avoidance of facing the Senate committee with President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. I’m not sure what the difference is, considering both have deemed it unnecessary to answer charges against them. I can’t imagine what sort of avoidance tactics Villar would use should he be elected as President, but I’m pretty certain that, should his presidency run into any irregularities, he will probably resort to the same tactics he used in the Senate. If that’s the case, what sort of leadership will he bring us?
To be fair, it’s not as if Villar’s accusers were fair in pursuing the charges against him. Instead of inhibiting herself, Senator Jamby Madrigal joined in voting whether to investigate the charges against Villar, despite the fact that Madrigal was the accuser to begin with. It’s also ironic that Senator Lacson accused Villar of impropriety, while he himself is facing charges concerning the Dacer-Corbito double murder case. It’s even more ironic that Lacson has borrowed a page from Villar’s playbook and took it one step further: in order to avoid charges being filed against him, Lacson didn’t only deny the charges; he left the country, claiming that he was being harassed by the Department of Justice! However, isn’t flight a sign of guilt? If Lacson had any guts, and if he was innocent of the crime, he should’ve faced the charges.
But, one should recall that, during the Estrada impeachment case, the minority of the Senate-judges didn’t boycott or delay the trial even if it was clear that the majority was bent on clearing Estrada. Instead, we are treated to the spectacle of Senators not doing their job because they simply don’t want to lose. It makes me wonder whether we should still have a Senate at all.
It’s clear that Villar didn’t want anything derailing his campaign, but, with the issue left hanging after the final Senate session, it’s likely that he will have to face it during the campaign one way or the other. By not facing the Senate, Villar has simply prolonged his problem. However, I’m sure his campaign strategists are banking on the Filipino’s extremely short historical memory to shelve the C-5 controversy into the dustbin, as other issues are likely to arise during the campaign, which starts next week on February 9. By the time the campaign hits its stride, it’s likely that the issue will be a non-issue, although it’s important for us who are yearning for strong, moral leadership, to remember how Villar treated the issue, since that will likely be the sort of leadership that he will bring with him should he win the presidency.
Tuesday, February 02, 2010
The Chief Justice Issue: The Balance of Power
In her column today, Belinda Olivares-Cunanan explores the balance of power in the Supreme Court (SC). True to her consistent pro-administration stance, she scores SC Justices Antonio Carpio and Conchita Carpio-Morales for the supposed presumption of setting a condition for their inclusion in the Judiciary and Bar Council (JBC) nomination list for the chief justice position. The condition, of course, is that they wish to be included in the list only if the next President makes the appointment. Olivares-Cunanan then insinuates that their reason for this is that they are sure that either one of them will be appointed by the next President, and then shares the opinion of some anonymous lawyers that the two Carpios, who are cousins, are acting presumptuous and arrogant.
I think that, in making such an opinion, those lawyers, as well as Olivares-Cunanan, are acting presumptuous and arrogant in making such insinuations. A number of legal experts, notably Fr. Joaquin Bernas, SJ, have opined that it should be the next president, and not Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, who should appoint the replacement for Chief Justice Reynato Puno, who will be retiring on May 17, 2010.
As it has been pointed out in numerous columns, the retirement date falls well within the ban in the Constitution against making appointments, and, thus, the President is not empowered to make such an appointment. In addition, according to the same experts, whomever accepts such an appointment by Arroyo may be liable himself or herself, and may be subject to impeachment.
In the same vein, it's interesting that she lauds Justice Renato Corona for being silent on the matter. According to her, Corona is being "smart" for his silence, and Olivares-Cunanan seems to be of the mind that he will likely be appointed by Arroyo. Isn't such being presumptuous and arrogant as well?
Another interesting point that Olivares-Cunanan makes in the same column is how the voting in the Supreme Court went in the appointment of Attorney Midas Marquez as the Court Administrator. According to her insiders in the SC, the voting went 13-2, with the two Carpios voting against the appointment. Olivares-Cunanan then goes on to point out that, should the legality of Arroyo's appointment be challenged, it's likely that there will be 13 justices to affirm her decision.
While I realize that, except for Puno, the entire Supreme Court is now filled with Arroyo appointees, I'd like to think that the justices are more fair-minded than that, and will judge Arroyo's possible appointment with more fairness and intelligence, rather than mindlessly following what their patron will want them to do, as demonstrated by the House of Representatives.
It's ironic that so much fuss is being made by the Palace over this issue, considering that Arroyo's late father, the former President Diosdado Macapagal, wound up removing a number of then-outgoing President Carlos Garcia's so-called "midnight appointees". In contrast, his daughter appears to be hell-bent in making such an appointment, perhaps with a full complement of her own appointees in the Supreme Court to legitimize it. In doing so, Arroyo can only corrupt one of the last few institutions standing against her and her culture of impunity.
I think that, in making such an opinion, those lawyers, as well as Olivares-Cunanan, are acting presumptuous and arrogant in making such insinuations. A number of legal experts, notably Fr. Joaquin Bernas, SJ, have opined that it should be the next president, and not Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, who should appoint the replacement for Chief Justice Reynato Puno, who will be retiring on May 17, 2010.
As it has been pointed out in numerous columns, the retirement date falls well within the ban in the Constitution against making appointments, and, thus, the President is not empowered to make such an appointment. In addition, according to the same experts, whomever accepts such an appointment by Arroyo may be liable himself or herself, and may be subject to impeachment.
In the same vein, it's interesting that she lauds Justice Renato Corona for being silent on the matter. According to her, Corona is being "smart" for his silence, and Olivares-Cunanan seems to be of the mind that he will likely be appointed by Arroyo. Isn't such being presumptuous and arrogant as well?
Another interesting point that Olivares-Cunanan makes in the same column is how the voting in the Supreme Court went in the appointment of Attorney Midas Marquez as the Court Administrator. According to her insiders in the SC, the voting went 13-2, with the two Carpios voting against the appointment. Olivares-Cunanan then goes on to point out that, should the legality of Arroyo's appointment be challenged, it's likely that there will be 13 justices to affirm her decision.
While I realize that, except for Puno, the entire Supreme Court is now filled with Arroyo appointees, I'd like to think that the justices are more fair-minded than that, and will judge Arroyo's possible appointment with more fairness and intelligence, rather than mindlessly following what their patron will want them to do, as demonstrated by the House of Representatives.
It's ironic that so much fuss is being made by the Palace over this issue, considering that Arroyo's late father, the former President Diosdado Macapagal, wound up removing a number of then-outgoing President Carlos Garcia's so-called "midnight appointees". In contrast, his daughter appears to be hell-bent in making such an appointment, perhaps with a full complement of her own appointees in the Supreme Court to legitimize it. In doing so, Arroyo can only corrupt one of the last few institutions standing against her and her culture of impunity.
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